Only four days after Lee accepted Ulysses S.
His status in the South, meanwhile, only increased after his death in , especially through the efforts of former Confederate general Jubal A. Early and the publication of the Southern Historical Society Papers. Early in the twentieth century, Douglas Southall Freeman , his sympathetic, Pulitzer Prize—winning biographer, further enhanced this image. In addition to Lee, Thomas J.
James Longstreet, however, long remained the exception, dogged by questions about his performance at the Battle of Gettysburg , and vilified because of his postwar affiliation with the Republican Party. Revisionist biographies of Lee, such as Alan Nolan's Lee Considered , and of Longstreet, such as William Garrett Piston's Lee's Tarnished Lieutenant , have challenged the idea that either general was a simple hero or villain. Finally, according to the Lost Cause, Confederate women remained loyal and devoted supporters of the war effort.
More so than their Northern counterparts, they willingly sacrificed their husbands, fathers, sons, and neighbors while simultaneously giving their time and resources for the cause. This tenet also implies that Confederates remained unified throughout the conflict. This was largely true, especially among wealthy white Southern women.
In recent years scholars have argued that most working-class and poor white women did not support the Confederacy or withdrew their support during the war. On several occasions poor white women did engage in violent displays of retaliation for their perceived economic injustices—such as the Richmond Bread Riot in —however, according to the historian Jacqueline Glass Campbell these women did not consider themselves disloyal to the Confederate government.
The historian William Blair has shown, throughout the state of Virginia, "it was possible to be discouraged by one's government, and mad at the rich, while still pulling for the Confederacy.
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The term "Lost Cause" is not a product of today's historians; rather, it appears to have been coined by Edward A. Pollard , an influential wartime editor of the Richmond Examiner. Even though the phrase "Lost Cause" would not emerge until one year after the war ended, the reverent mythologizing of the Confederate cause began immediately after the war. In and , Confederate women transformed their wartime soldiers' aid associations into organizations bent on memorializing their Lost Cause.
Claiming to be wives, mothers, and daughters in mourning , Southern white women of the Ladies' Memorial Associations LMAs organized cemeteries for the more than , Confederate soldiers that remained in unidentified graves on the battlefields and established the annual tradition of Memorial Days—occasions on which thousands of ex-Confederates would gather publicly to eulogize their fallen soldiers and celebrate their failed cause.
Relying on the mid-nineteenth-century assumption that women were naturally non-political, ex-Confederate men recognized that women might be best suited to take the lead in memorializing the Confederate cause.
In , one of the first Lost Cause periodicals emerged, a new weekly Richmond newspaper called the Southern Opinion. Established only three months after the federal Reconstruction Act by the avowed secessionist H. Rives Pollard , brother of Edward A. Pollard and also a wartime editor of the Richmond Examiner , the paper's expressed purpose was to foster a distinctive Southern culture.
Echoing much of the Ladies' Memorial Associations' sentiment, he repeatedly encouraged former Confederates to "foster in the hearts of our children the memories of a century of political and mental triumphs," and preserve the heroism and endurance of their cause.
By , Pollard's paper had become a mouthpiece for continued Confederate memorial efforts, especially by the Ladies' Memorial Associations. In the spring of , a handful of former Confederate military leaders issued a call for a meeting to discuss the establishment of a Confederate historical society to shape how future generations would understand the war.
Dabney H. The men appointed Benjamin Morgan Palmer president and Dr.
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Joseph Jones secretary-treasurer and selected other prominent Confederates as vice presidents of each Southern state. Munford, Reverend J. William Jones, and General Jubal A. Although the SHS mailed 6, circulars across the South, during the society gained little support outside of New Orleans, Louisiana. After several months, fewer than members had joined, and by early in only 44 members had contributed dues.
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Despite the struggle to attain membership, in it began to publish the Southern Historical Society Papers in which the SHS defended nearly every aspect of Confederate action, addressing topics such as secession, battlefield performance, and the treatment of prisoners of war. From until , Early was especially influential in establishing many of the arguments that have since become Lost Cause dogma. He presented a series of lectures and articles in the Southern Historical Society Papers that simultaneously defended his hero Lee from accusations that he had blundered at Gettysburg and attacked Longstreet, Lee's chief lieutenant for much of the war.
In addition to lionizing Lee and dismissing Longstreet, Early argued that the war was more important in Virginia than in other theaters. In two pivotal events shaped the way the Lost Cause would evolve in the coming decades. First, after five years of military occupation, on January 26, , the commonwealth of Virginia was readmitted to the United States of America and American troops were withdrawn from the state. Second, and most important, the death of Robert E. Lee on October 12, , ignited an outpouring of Confederate sentiment among many of the state's elite men.
After a period of depressed interest, the veterans in Virginia and other Southern states began to organize their own associations. Other camps soon organized throughout the state, including the Matthew F. Maury Camp Fredericksburg , and the A. Hill Camp Petersburg , ca. Their goals were to perpetuate the memories of their fallen comrades and to care for those who were permanently disabled in the service. In February , a committee of veterans in New Orleans called for a meeting to establish a regional Confederate veterans' association.
The Lee Camp joined the UCV the following year; by , camps had joined; by , camps claimed membership. In keeping with the objectives of LMAs since the s, the association sought to collect relics and preserve the history of the Confederacy, instill in the minds of children "a proper veneration for the spirit and glory that animated" Confederate soldiers, and continue to direct Memorial Day services. The group would meet each year at an annual meeting that coincided with the United Confederate Veterans.
By the turn of the century, the Confederate Veteran served as the mouthpiece of the Lost Cause. Established in by Sumner Archibald Cunningham, it proved to be an early contributor to the success of the UCV, and by was an official organ of that group and its various allies, including the UDC. Aimed at a mass audience, the monthly magazine featured articles on the war, monument dedications , textbook campaigns, and obituaries of veterans and devoted extensive space to the various Confederate organizations.
By the end of the s, circulation peaked at more than 20, The magazine remained a staple of the Lost Cause until it was discontinued in This view of the Civil War and the extolment of the Lost Cause did not come without protest. Many Unionists , Northern veterans, and African Americans were bitterly opposed to glorifying the Confederacy and soft-pedaling slavery. Most famously, the former slave and abolitionist Frederick Douglass denounced a reconciliation that seemed to exclude those who had been most wronged.
Loyal men are building homes for rebel soldiers, but where is the home for Union veterans, builded by rebel hands …? Perhaps the most widely consumed and powerful cultural product that succeeded in satiating this hunger and mending these wounds was D. Griffith's film, The Birth of a Nation. In portraying the emancipated African American as a threat to democracy and white womanhood , The Birth of a Nation manufactured a healed and united nation by glorifying white supremacy and white supremacy's greatest champion, the Ku Klux Klan.
When The Birth of a Nation was first released, it was met with an immediate and controversial reception. Despite some success—a mass demonstration in Boston and the temporary banning of the film in a few states and cities—the sometimes overlapping messages of The Birth of a Nation and the Lost Cause were absorbed, for the most part unquestioningly, into American culture. Until the middle of the twentieth century, and even longer in Virginia, textbooks presented a picture of the Civil War and race relations that owed much to Gone with the Wind.
Only during and after the civil rights movement of the s and s did some textbooks begin to state that slavery was the war's most important cause. The Confederate battle flag was adopted as a symbol of "heritage," and, in a study of Lost Cause art, the historian Gary W. Gallagher has shown how the battle flag began to proliferate in art depicting Civil War battles only as it gained status as a retroactive political and social symbol.
It was not until the latter part of the twentieth century that the national conversation began to catch up to the complications of this symbol, especially where race is concerned. In Confederates in the Attic: Dispatches from the Unfinished Civil War , the journalist Tony Horwitz convincingly demonstrated the various ways in which the Civil War continues to be controversial, both socially and politically.
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Still, the Lost Cause's project of reconciliation largely has been successful. The scholar Stephen Cushman has argued that "a country in which there are two million copies of Killer Angels in print"—referring to the Pulitzer Prize—winning novel that was later turned into the feature film Gettysburg —" … is a country that feels stable enough to entertain itself … with a story of a battle that involved over fifty thousand killed, wounded, and missing people. The academy, meanwhile, has mostly turned against the Lost Cause, working to deconstruct its myths and create a more inclusive history.
Still, in his essay collection, Reflections on the Civil War , the historian Bruce Catton provocatively suggested that, in the end, "the legend of the lost cause has served the entire country very well. The things that were done during the Civil War have not been forgotten, of course, but we now see them through a veil. We have elevated the entire conflict to the realm where it is no longer explosive. It is a part of American legend, a part of American history, a part, if you will, of American romance.
It moves men mightily, to this day, but it does not move them in the direction of picking up their guns and going at it again. We have had national peace since the war ended, and we will always have it, and I think the way Lee and his soldiers conducted themselves in the hours of surrender has a great deal to do with it.
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